- Sint-Pietersnieuwstraat 35
9000 Gent
Belgium
Wim Broekaert
Ghent University, History, Post-Doc
- History, Social Networks, Roman History, Social Network Analysis (SNA), Economy, Networks, and 19 moreRoman Law, Roman Empire, Archaeology of Mediterranean Trade, Roman Epigraphy, The industrialization of agriculture: vertical coordination in the US food system., Ancient Trade & Commerce (Archaeology), Roman social history, Ancient Shipwrecks, Voluntary Associations, Roman urban crafts, Merchants (Medieval Studies), Economic History, Food History, Food Systems, Imperial Rome, Roman Economy, Roman Amphorae, Tituli Picti, and Roman Archaeologyedit
The role of the Roman government in the supply of consumption goods to the armies stationed along the frontiers has received considerable attention over the past decades. One of the main topics in the debate is the question whether the... more
The role of the Roman government in the supply of consumption goods to the armies stationed along the frontiers has received considerable attention over the past decades. One of the main topics in the debate is the question whether the majority of foodstuffs provided for by the army was being allocated as part of a redistribution system or along the channels of the market. It is beyond doubt that basic ingredients of the military diet which could be grown virtually everywhere (such as grain), were being mobilized through taxation in money or in kind, forced requisitions or purchase on the local markets in the immediate vicinity of the frontier. This system however was unable to provide soldiers with all the basic necessities of the common military diet, because the frontier stretched over such a vast territory with large variations in climate, local productivity and specialization. Foodstuffs which could only be produced in Mediterranean climate zones (such as olive oil) therefore had to be imported in large quantities. The most comprehensive model of a redistribution system has been developed by José Remesal and his colleagues. They have argued that the distribution of stamps on oil amphorae discovered along the northern frontier reflects a supply system developed in the Augustan era, in which the praefectus annonae in Rome collected Baetican oil as tax in kind and then contracted with private shippers to transport the amphorae to the garrisons. Stamps play a vital role in this discussion, for they are assumed to allow us to establish connections between centers of production and consumption and to study the economic nature of these relationships. Despite its explanatory power and the attractive integration of taxation, administration and logistics to organize the provisioning of the army, the model has met some criticism from ancient historians and archaeologists alike. This paper will add to the ongoing debate by analyzing how exactly amphora stamp distribution can help in distinguishing between redistributive organization and market exchange.
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Romans were supposed to marry and have children. In this respect, the Augustan marriage laws only confirmed and strengthened social expectations. Nevertheless, deciding between marriage and single life assumes some level of free choice... more
Romans were supposed to marry and have children. In this respect, the Augustan marriage laws only confirmed and strengthened social expectations. Nevertheless, deciding between marriage and single life assumes some level of free choice and the right to enter into a stable relationship. Yet, in a slave society such as Imperial Italy, independence and the right to marry was not equally available to everyone. This paper will argue that the organization of the Roman economy, with its reliance on slave and freedman labour and the social control exerted by masters and patrons, seriously complicated the establishment of harmonious family life for their social inferiors. I will discuss 3 variables, viz. the effects of occupations on family life; the value of a slave in the household; and finally the value of a freedman’s inheritance. The conclusion must be that apart from all limitations inherent to the status of slave and freedman, the difficulty of establishing satisfactory stable relationships was an additional stumbling block on the way to emotional well-being.
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Economic globalization causes troubles. Businessmen duly recognize the opportunities and long-term prospects of capturing and exploiting new markets, but may hesitate before the barriers of entry. Suddenly arriving in new worlds, they are... more
Economic globalization causes troubles. Businessmen duly recognize the opportunities and long-term prospects of capturing and exploiting new markets, but may hesitate before the barriers of entry. Suddenly arriving in new worlds, they are confronted with unfamiliar cultures, religions, languages and habits. They have to cope with new modes of transaction, gain access to local commercial networks and become acquainted with political and legal institutions. Contemporary society has developed business and manager schools to alleviate these problems by offering courses on how to act when facing the challenges of new markets. In the absence of these, Roman entrepreneurs devised other strategies to competitively engage with markets on the fringes and beyond the imperial frontiers, some new, others rooted in the existing institutional framework of Roman business. This paper will draw on cognitive science and New Institutional Economics to analyze the interaction between Roman, Arabian and Indian trading communities and the subsequent change or stability in economic strategies. In the first section, I present a model for human behavior, determined as it is by both genetics and adaptive learning. This framework limits an individual’s options in both familiar and unfamiliar settings and structures his decision-making process. The second section applies this model to intercultural exchange in the east during Roman antiquity and considers the survival of existing institutions as well as the introduction of new developments. A final section offers some conclusions.
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In a stimulating paper, Miko Flohr recently argued that the Roman textile industry cannot be approached as a static part of the Mediterranean economy, but requires a historical narrative, in which the interaction between empire-wide... more
In a stimulating paper, Miko Flohr recently argued that the Roman textile industry cannot be approached as a static part of the Mediterranean economy, but requires a historical narrative, in which the interaction between empire-wide political and socio-economic developments on the one hand and the organization and performance of the textile industry on the other can be contextualized. Put differently, what we need is a macro-economic framework which takes into account the long-term institutional changes in the Roman world and consequently allows us to analyze how these developments affect the textile industry. Flohr then discussed the impact of growing socio-cultural integration, improved opportunities for trade and transport and a possible increase in scale of exchange, demand and consumption of textiles. He concluded that the establishment of a better integrated imperial superstructure eventually resulted in a more integrated and efficient textile industry, able to cater to demand over longer distances and in higher volumes than before, but that at the same time in many, if not most regions local small-scale production continued to be the rule. We are thus essentially presented with a historical discourse of increased opportunities and lowered trading costs, made possible by the gradual integration of the Empire. While I completely endorse Flohr’s call for a macro-economic analysis of the textile industry and find myself in agreement with his conclusions, I here want to point out that creating better opportunities for production and exchange in itself does not necessarily lead to improved economic performance or an increase in efficiency. People engaged in the textile industry must also be able to capture these benefits of imperialism and directly respond to new opportunities, which involves costs and (at least initially) requires additional investments. As Flohr’s paper clearly suggests that in the end Roman entrepreneurs were successful in taking this step, I therefore intend to explore how and to what extent they managed to take advantage of a better integrated Empire and which institutions might have been able to assist them in further lowering trading costs and making the necessary investments feasible. The purpose of this paper thus is to make a first attempt to integrate part of the micro-economic evidence we have into Flohr’s macro-economic model or, in other words, to put some flesh to the bones.
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This paper argues that the disappearance of fish sauce amphorae in the northern provinces did not entail the end of consumption of this particular ingredient. Fish sauces had become part of the soldierly consumption patterns and identity.... more
This paper argues that the disappearance of fish sauce amphorae in the northern provinces did not entail the end of consumption of this particular ingredient. Fish sauces had become part of the soldierly consumption patterns and identity. Local production, often invisible in the archaeological records, supplemented Mediterranean imports.
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This paper analyses the occupational background of the augustales in Ostia and the distinct typologies of families joining the ranks of this sub-elite association. I first discuss the limitations of inscriptional evidence in establishing... more
This paper analyses the occupational background of the augustales in Ostia and the distinct typologies of families joining the ranks of this sub-elite association. I first discuss the limitations of inscriptional evidence in establishing the professions held by the augustales and provide a tentative solution by introducing the ‘family level’ in the Ostian economy. Next, I present several case-studies showing
the different motivations for local and foreign families to have their freedmen joining the augustales. I then argue that this association can be considered a ‘supra-
network’ with professional connections to a large variety of trades, much to the benefit of its members.
the different motivations for local and foreign families to have their freedmen joining the augustales. I then argue that this association can be considered a ‘supra-
network’ with professional connections to a large variety of trades, much to the benefit of its members.
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There were days when Roman economic history was limited to culling small bits and pieces from literary accounts and concluding that the ancient economies fundamentally differed from what contemporary theory assumed any economy should try... more
There were days when Roman economic history was limited to culling small bits and pieces from literary accounts and concluding that the ancient economies fundamentally differed from what contemporary theory assumed any economy should try to achieve: growth, profit-making, increasing efficiency and rational decision-making. Times have changed, and for the better. Material remains, monumental inscriptions, papyri and instrumentum domesticum have all shown to make important if very diverse contributions to economic history. The final category in particular, that of inscribed and stamped objects of various nature, holds promising potential to be engaged in the debate on structure and performance of ancient economies. Nevertheless, despite this recognition some categories of epigraphy requiring specialist knowledge tend to remain the playing field of a small number of experts. The painted inscriptions (tituli picti) on amphorae for instance pose a major challenge for historians, because of the often very fragmentary nature of the texts, the difficulties in deciphering them and the many ambiguities that remain in interpreting the data. As a consequence their potential often fails to be recognized. Here I intend to explore the various contributions the so-called tituli picti alpha, beta, gamma and delta, especially in combination with amphora stamps, monumental epigraphy and literary sources, can make to economic history.
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Since the Augustan age, Rome progressively moved away from the North African coastline into the dusty inlands. To the various (semi)nomadic tribes pasturing their flocks within and beyond the Roman range of power, Rome’s arrival entailed... more
Since the Augustan age, Rome progressively moved away from the North African coastline into the dusty inlands. To the various (semi)nomadic tribes pasturing their flocks within and beyond the Roman range of power, Rome’s arrival entailed various political, economic and social consequences. The presence of Roman hegemony in particular had important repercussions for the traditional power balance and the nature of exchange between sedentary and (semi-)nomadic groups. While the restrictions of a pastoral economy had previously been met by raiding, pillaging and the exaction of tribute, Roman occupation provided a political and socio-economic framework which allowed alternative solutions. It has been argued before that the economic interaction between nomadic and sedentary societies cannot be reduced to hostility and predation but is also characterized by close symbiosis and interdependency. In this paper however, we show that previous research seriously underestimated the intermediary role of nomads in supplying both Roman civic and military settlements and the sub-Saharan kingdoms. Pastoralist nomadic tribes duly recognized the economic potential of emerging and ever-expanding civil and military markets and took advantage of these economic opportunities by playing an important role as very mobile commercial mediators connecting the Mediterranean and the sub-Saharan regions. To analyze these patterns of exchange during the Roman imperial period, we will first present an anthropological model of interaction between nomadic and settled communities and the economic opportunities for both parties. Next, we test the applicability of the model by discussing the particular role of the Garamantes in the economy of Roman Africa. To corroborate the analysis, data on economic interaction with local tribes in other Roman frontier zones and, above all, anthropological research of other pre-industrial pastoral economies will be adduced to offer comparative evidence.
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The interaction between Roman power and local nomadic societies in Africa caused constraints and limitations to traditional economic patters, but at the same time created new opportunities. The presence of Rome hence not only introduced a... more
The interaction between Roman power and local nomadic societies in Africa caused constraints and limitations to traditional economic patters, but at the same time created new opportunities. The presence of Rome hence not only introduced a predatory regime, yet also allowed nomadic tribes a better integration in the imperial economy.
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This paper aims at integrating one of the key factors of the NIE framework into the debate on the structure of the Roman economy, viz. the beliefs and ideas shaping a society’s economic institutions, or what Denzau and North have called... more
This paper aims at integrating one of the key factors of the NIE framework into the debate on the structure of the Roman economy, viz. the beliefs and ideas shaping a society’s economic institutions, or what Denzau and North have called shared mental models (SMMs). Through the analysis of the language and organization of various processes of exchange, from real market exchange to ritualized exchange by benefactors, I attempt to identify a key ideology in ancient economic thought and its repercussions on business. In a first section, the concept of shared mental models and its applicability to ancient history is explored. The next sections present several applications on different levels of economic interaction, viz. agency by slaves and freedmen; cooperation by members of occupational associations and economic interaction in acts of munificence.
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The presence of Italian businessmen on Republican Delos has received considerable attention for over more than a century now. The local organization of the community and the role of the various associations have puzzled historians from... more
The presence of Italian businessmen on Republican Delos has received considerable attention for over more than a century now. The local organization of the community and the role of the various associations have puzzled historians from the days of Kornemann and Hatzfeld onwards and still continue to open up new debates on Roman imperialism, associational life and commerce in the Republic. A large part of the discussion is devoted to the nature of the Italian associations on Delos and the function of the magistreis in various dedicatory inscriptions. This paper aims to contribute to the debate by reviewing the inscriptional evidence of Delian associations through the lens of a social network analysis (SNA). Instead of focusing on the internal organization of the associations, their mutual relationships or the donations they made, I intend to analyze the composition of the collegia, the individuals who had been elected magistreis and the personal and familial networks they were embedded in. The purpose of this approach is to detect how the background of the individual magistreis, the ties connecting them to each other and their place in the fabric of the Italian community on Delos helped in determining the role, or roles, of the Italian associations. In other words, are the magistreis associations of Italian magistrates (the conventus hypothesis) or magistrates of Italian associations (the collegia hypothesis)?
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This paper argues that models developed in 20th-century management literature can offer a valuable perspective on the organization of the ancient Roman wine trade. Similar to modern business, Roman entrepreneurs tried to enhance... more
This paper argues that models developed in 20th-century management literature can offer a valuable perspective on the organization of the ancient Roman wine trade. Similar to modern business, Roman entrepreneurs tried to enhance efficiency
by implementing a wide range of techniques according to goals and available resources. The famous Ansoff matrix is used to analyse these techniques in function of the markets supplied by Roman merchants and the product diversification they applied. This approach explains how Roman entrepreneurs tried to cope with the limitations of a volatile pre-industrial business world: only the combination of a large family of semi-dependent agents and elite capital allowed successful largescale engagement in the wine trade.
by implementing a wide range of techniques according to goals and available resources. The famous Ansoff matrix is used to analyse these techniques in function of the markets supplied by Roman merchants and the product diversification they applied. This approach explains how Roman entrepreneurs tried to cope with the limitations of a volatile pre-industrial business world: only the combination of a large family of semi-dependent agents and elite capital allowed successful largescale engagement in the wine trade.
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One of the main subjects of debate in the analysis of the Roman economy is the question whether the Roman aristocracy made investments in trade and industry and if so, to what extent this money supply was able to support economic... more
One of the main subjects of debate in the analysis of the Roman economy is the question whether the Roman aristocracy made investments in trade and industry and if so, to what extent this money supply was able to support economic performance. I will argue that the focus on elite money is flawed, because the available evidence does not allow a serial analysis of the origin of commercial investments. Nevertheless, the amphora epigraphy of the Spanish oil industry offers a promising avenue to counterbalance these limitations. First, it allows us to trace personal investments by elites in the oil trade and their strategies to increase efficiency and profitability, viz. the creation of family firms and vertical integration of production and distribution stages. Second, the evidence shows that the same two strategies were also implemented by entrepreneurs who, to our knowledge, did not belong to the aristocracy. Yet, as they were able to finance these investments, we can conclude that these entrepreneurs, whether being part of the elite or not, commanded financial reserves similar to or even superior to elite fortunes. In conclusion, the focus on elite investments in Roman trade can never be an argument to question the scale of exchange.
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Despite the prominence of the textile industry in pre-industrial economies, surprisingly little effort has been made to integrate this sector into the larger debate on structure and performance of the Roman economy, maybe because the... more
Despite the prominence of the textile industry in pre-industrial economies, surprisingly little effort has been made to integrate this sector into the larger debate on structure and performance of the Roman economy, maybe because the prevalent models of ancient economies still find it difficult to incorporate textiles in a framework in which there was little place for large-scale urban production and exchange, or because of the difficult nature of ancient sources. An interesting attempt however to give the textile industry its due place in Roman economic history is the model developed in several articles by Drinkwater, who relies heavily on comparative evidence and comes to some remarkable conclusions on the (in)efficiency of Roman woollen industry and its place in the wider economy. This paper will assess the validity of this model and its consequences for the organization of Roman textile production and trade. I will argue that the model needs some major adjustments, mainly because the adduced comparative evidence cannot be applied to the framework within which the Roman economy was situated. The medieval textile industry operated in an essentially different social and political structure from its Roman counterpart.
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""Social networks of various scale, structure and importance permeate every single society and influence its cohesive strength and pervasiveness. Their crucial role in organizing virtually every aspect of society has earned networks a... more
""Social networks of various scale, structure and importance permeate every single society and influence its cohesive strength and pervasiveness. Their crucial role in organizing virtually every aspect of society has earned networks a prime place among the focal points of social sciences for decades. Social and economic interaction cannot be fully understood by the mere analysis of each individual’s opportunities, character and background, but equally (if not more) depends on relational links. It is this web of connections that is scrutinized by social network analysis (SNA): instead of focusing on the characteristics of the individuals, SNA studies the characteristics of the ties connecting the individuals. In order for SNA to work, a network must present two basic characteristics: a set of nodes, representing the individual members of the network, and a set of ties, which form the various connections among nodes and establish some kind of interaction. Interaction here catches a wide variety of relationships, including (among many others) kinship, friendship and connections of social, economic and political nature. While SNA in itself does not constitute a formal theory but rather an approach to the underlying structure of networks, the results obtained by SNA allow theorizing about the impact of network composition on society and economy. It is assumed that the pattern of ties in which all individuals are embedded has important consequences for their lives and profoundly influences their existence. Particularly for economic historians, SNA is a powerful tool to support the reconstruction of economic interaction. Networks allow to measure the frequency, patterning and importance of collaboration between different economic players. They structure decision-making and risk-reduction, determine access to information, services and credit and are key structures in assessing potential economic connectivity and integration.
Despite the conceptual strength of SNA and the many applications in anthropology, sociology and business economics, few economic historians of the Greco-Roman world have considered network theory as an analytical tool pertinent to antiquity or applied the concept of networks to ancient documentary sources, apart from the descriptive value of connections and connectivity between (micro)regions.
In this paper, I propose to analyze the networks of the most famous Roman financial experts (if only because part of their archives have survived), the Sulpicii from Puteoli and Caecilius Iucundus from Pompeii. The Sulpicii were a family of financial experts active in puteoli between 26 and 61 AD and engaging in a variety of business transactions. They acted as creditors, borrowed large sums of money, served as intermediaries in settling debts and invested in commerce themselves, but were also responsible for safekeeping some of their clients’ financial records of transactions with third parties. Caecilius Iucundus on the other hand was a banker exercising his profession mainly during the 50’s and early 60’s of the 1st century AD. Most documents preserved present him assisting at auctions, where he advanced credit to the purchaser by paying the seller the price of the merchandize. One may argue that after the landmark studies of Andreau and Jongman, there may be little left to add to the picture of Pompeii viewed through the lens of the Caecilius Iucundus archive. We now know that, contrary to Della Corte’s enthusiasm in the 1960’s, not all witnesses in the archive were deeply engaged in business. Nor were all Pompeians amassing on Iucundus’ doorstep, eagerly awaiting their turn to partake in banking and other financial transactions. It is the aim of this paper to further refine the composition of Pompeian society as reflected in the Iucundus tablets.
Both archives have been selected for closer analysis because they show financial experts at work during roughly the same period of time (the mid 1st century AD) and the same area (the Bay of Naples), but in business communities of different scale. The archive of the Sulpicii frequently documents commercial and financial transactions with businessmen from all over the Mediterranean world, from Spain to Asia Minor, while Caecilius Iucundus in contrast mainly focused on the sale of products within the Pompeian community.
The main purpose of this paper is thus to understand the nature of the networks of financial experts, the different roles people connected to them could play in the business community they frequented, and eventually why certain network structures tended to emerge in the society of Puteoli and Pompeii.
""
Despite the conceptual strength of SNA and the many applications in anthropology, sociology and business economics, few economic historians of the Greco-Roman world have considered network theory as an analytical tool pertinent to antiquity or applied the concept of networks to ancient documentary sources, apart from the descriptive value of connections and connectivity between (micro)regions.
In this paper, I propose to analyze the networks of the most famous Roman financial experts (if only because part of their archives have survived), the Sulpicii from Puteoli and Caecilius Iucundus from Pompeii. The Sulpicii were a family of financial experts active in puteoli between 26 and 61 AD and engaging in a variety of business transactions. They acted as creditors, borrowed large sums of money, served as intermediaries in settling debts and invested in commerce themselves, but were also responsible for safekeeping some of their clients’ financial records of transactions with third parties. Caecilius Iucundus on the other hand was a banker exercising his profession mainly during the 50’s and early 60’s of the 1st century AD. Most documents preserved present him assisting at auctions, where he advanced credit to the purchaser by paying the seller the price of the merchandize. One may argue that after the landmark studies of Andreau and Jongman, there may be little left to add to the picture of Pompeii viewed through the lens of the Caecilius Iucundus archive. We now know that, contrary to Della Corte’s enthusiasm in the 1960’s, not all witnesses in the archive were deeply engaged in business. Nor were all Pompeians amassing on Iucundus’ doorstep, eagerly awaiting their turn to partake in banking and other financial transactions. It is the aim of this paper to further refine the composition of Pompeian society as reflected in the Iucundus tablets.
Both archives have been selected for closer analysis because they show financial experts at work during roughly the same period of time (the mid 1st century AD) and the same area (the Bay of Naples), but in business communities of different scale. The archive of the Sulpicii frequently documents commercial and financial transactions with businessmen from all over the Mediterranean world, from Spain to Asia Minor, while Caecilius Iucundus in contrast mainly focused on the sale of products within the Pompeian community.
The main purpose of this paper is thus to understand the nature of the networks of financial experts, the different roles people connected to them could play in the business community they frequented, and eventually why certain network structures tended to emerge in the society of Puteoli and Pompeii.
""
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This paper argues that, although Roman law offered very sophisticated solutions for most commercial conflicts, in practice the usefulness of the actiones seems to have been rather limited. Roman law somehow failed to put in effect the... more
This paper argues that, although Roman law offered very sophisticated solutions for most commercial conflicts, in practice the usefulness of the actiones seems to have been rather limited. Roman law somehow failed to put in effect the obligations implied by private contracts, because of the lack of a policing power to enforce decisions. Businessmen obviously had the opportunity to take a fraudulent partner to court, but actually receiving compensation remained their own responsibility. The analysis of the Sulpicii archive thus clearly suggests that the threat of legal action and actually taking an opponent to court rarely must have been the first line of defence against opportunistic behaviour. To reduce uncertainty and prevent fraud, Roman businessmen relied on a private-order reputational control mechanism to counterbalance shortcomings in legal development and the lack of guaranteed enforcement. This control system allowed for an increase in the effectiveness of contract enforcement, so that gains from cooperation outweighed the gains from cheating. Businessmen were well-aware of the fact that cultivating and preserving long-term reputational control systems was often far more important than obtaining a one-time profit.
This paper argues that Roman businessmen, in the same way as their colleagues in medieval and early modern Europe did, profoundly grasped the economic rationale of marriage and used various marital strategies to accumulate wealth, create... more
This paper argues that Roman businessmen, in the same way as their colleagues in medieval and early modern Europe did, profoundly grasped the economic rationale of marriage and used various marital strategies to accumulate wealth, create new trading opportunities and make business organization more efficient.
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"How did ancient Greeks and Romans acquire the food they needed? For most people at all times and everywhere in the ancient world, the answer to that question was easy: they were farmers who cultivated their own food. Small farmers and... more
"How did ancient Greeks and Romans acquire the food they needed? For most people at all times and everywhere in the ancient world, the answer to that question was easy: they were farmers who cultivated their own food. Small farmers and their families consumed most of what they produced. Their surplus they sold on the local urban market to raise money to buy the necessities they lacked and pay off debts, rents and taxes. Wealthy landowners similarly fed their households, stocked some of their produce, and sold the rest.
For people living in towns and cities, the situation was different: they had to buy most of their food (at least if they were not urban-based farmers who commuted daily to their lands in the city’s territory, as many townspeople did throughout Greco-Roman history). If they were attached to elite households as slaves, freedmen or clients, they might also receive part of their nourishment from their masters or patrons. Those with citizen status might in addition receive food distributions from the civic government, either as emergency rations in times of shortage, or on a regular basis, as in the case of the later Republican and imperial Roman annona. Then, there might be the occasional generous elite benefactor, doling out grain, wine or olive oil, or organising a public banquet. Also, meat was often distributed among the populace after religious sacrifices.
Whatever the means by which its urban inhabitants acquired their food in practice, every ancient town tried to live largely off its own land. Self-sufficiency was the economic and moral ideal. The ideal, however, was not often matched by reality, for throughout classical antiquity, food (especially the Mediterranean staples, grain, wine and olive oil) was distributed over wide areas, regional and interregional. In this chapter, therefore, we shall focus on the transportation, advertising and marketing of foodstuffs in the ancient world. We shall discuss the different ways in which food reached the Greek and Roman consumer. Attention will be given to various distribution patterns, from non-economic redistribution of food by cities and empires to large scale commercial trade. We shall also discuss local markets and the everyday sale of foodstuffs in shops and stalls. Finally, we will devote some attention to the technology of transportation and to the diverse ways in which foodstuffs were advertised."
For people living in towns and cities, the situation was different: they had to buy most of their food (at least if they were not urban-based farmers who commuted daily to their lands in the city’s territory, as many townspeople did throughout Greco-Roman history). If they were attached to elite households as slaves, freedmen or clients, they might also receive part of their nourishment from their masters or patrons. Those with citizen status might in addition receive food distributions from the civic government, either as emergency rations in times of shortage, or on a regular basis, as in the case of the later Republican and imperial Roman annona. Then, there might be the occasional generous elite benefactor, doling out grain, wine or olive oil, or organising a public banquet. Also, meat was often distributed among the populace after religious sacrifices.
Whatever the means by which its urban inhabitants acquired their food in practice, every ancient town tried to live largely off its own land. Self-sufficiency was the economic and moral ideal. The ideal, however, was not often matched by reality, for throughout classical antiquity, food (especially the Mediterranean staples, grain, wine and olive oil) was distributed over wide areas, regional and interregional. In this chapter, therefore, we shall focus on the transportation, advertising and marketing of foodstuffs in the ancient world. We shall discuss the different ways in which food reached the Greek and Roman consumer. Attention will be given to various distribution patterns, from non-economic redistribution of food by cities and empires to large scale commercial trade. We shall also discuss local markets and the everyday sale of foodstuffs in shops and stalls. Finally, we will devote some attention to the technology of transportation and to the diverse ways in which foodstuffs were advertised."
Research Interests:
The ways in which food, particularly the extent to which it was safely supplied, and by whom, and how it was consumed, and by whom, might become politicised in the ancient world. Greece and Rome were pre-modern agrarian societies, where... more
The ways in which food, particularly the extent to which it was safely supplied, and by whom, and how it was consumed, and by whom, might become politicised in the ancient world. Greece and Rome were pre-modern agrarian societies, where the primary source of wealth was ownership of land. Ultimately, therefore, the political power of Greek and Roman elites was based on their control of the means of food production, labour, but above all, land. This did however not mean that their control was never challenged, by a hungry populace demanding nourishment, or, more often, ‘just’ prices in the market. In societies like Greece and Rome with, by pre-industrial standards, remarkably high levels of urbanisation, city-based governing elites could hardly avoid paying attention to the needs of the agriculturally inactive among the poorer urban inhabitants, if they wished to avoid social unrest. The food supply was, therefore, inevitably on the political agenda in almost any larger city of antiquity. In this chapter, we shall explore some of the ways in which food and politics interacted in the Greco-Roman world. Our enquiry shall focus on two main themes, food supply and food consumption. Under the heading of ‘supply’ we discuss several responses by ancient (civic) governments to the political dynamics created by (the threat of) food shortages: market regulation, public benefactions, and emergency provisions. Under ‘consumption’, we discuss the political dimension of commensality among Greeks and Romans, as well as legislation regulating the consumption of food (sumptuary laws).
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"The City of Rome was an unusual place. Capital of the only world empire in European history, it was a huge city of marble in a largely agrarian society, attracting people, goods and ideas from all corners of its vast imperial hinterland.... more
"The City of Rome was an unusual place. Capital of the only world empire in European history, it was a huge city of marble in a largely agrarian society, attracting people, goods and ideas from all corners of its vast imperial hinterland. With over one million inhabitants around the time of Augustus, it was the largest city in European history until the rise of London around 1800, and of a size similar to the capitals of Song China and Tokugawa Japan.
In this paper, we concentrate on economic activity in and immediately around Rome itself. We shall mostly focus on imperial Rome, though we do occasionally cite material from the late Republic. What kind of occupational structure characterised such a pre-industrial imperial super-city? How did those million or more people gain a living, and how and where did they acquire what they needed or desired?
In what follows, we shall explore some of the main categories of economic activity in and immediately around imperial Rome, i.e. (sub)urban agriculture, manufacture, construction, services, commerce and finance."
In this paper, we concentrate on economic activity in and immediately around Rome itself. We shall mostly focus on imperial Rome, though we do occasionally cite material from the late Republic. What kind of occupational structure characterised such a pre-industrial imperial super-city? How did those million or more people gain a living, and how and where did they acquire what they needed or desired?
In what follows, we shall explore some of the main categories of economic activity in and immediately around imperial Rome, i.e. (sub)urban agriculture, manufacture, construction, services, commerce and finance."
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Evidence on vertically integrated enterprises in Roman production and trade sectors is by no means as scarce as is often assumed. Both monumental epigraphy and inscriptions on archaeological objects testify to backward and forward... more
Evidence on vertically integrated enterprises in Roman production and trade sectors is by no means as scarce as is often assumed. Both monumental epigraphy and inscriptions on archaeological objects testify to backward and forward integration as an efficiency enhancing mechanism. Examples from the trade in wine, grain, oil and meat are analyzed.
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The Roman trading world obviously never equaled the levels of efficiency, protection and integration the contemporary globalized economy has now attained. Risks and uncertainties remained plentiful: slowness of transport and difficulties... more
The Roman trading world obviously never equaled the levels of efficiency, protection and integration the contemporary globalized economy has now attained. Risks and uncertainties remained plentiful: slowness of transport and difficulties of quick communication between partners hampered immediate reactions to changing trading conditions and caused friction in markets, thereby reducing the success rate of individual business enterprises. As a result, Roman businessmen constantly searched – and found – various strategies to reduce these shortcomings and protect their investments. For instance, crucial importance should be attached to the different levels of agency, which allowed to call in relatives, slaves and freedmen as representatives in a wide range of ventures. Another option included the reliance on networks of colleagues, formalized in the existence of professional associations or collegia. Members no doubt shared information and offered mutual assistance by presenting financial support, reliable agents and trustworthy business partners. This paper will analyze yet another of these strategies, viz. the use of commercial partnerships or societates, in which partners (socii) supported each other by combining resources and sharing risks. Joining forces in a partnership offered the possibility to pool human and capital resources and to create a division of labor which suited every partner. Some businessmen may have possessed sufficient capital to engage in trade but recoiled from the practical risks involved, while others had the expertise and willingness to travel to distant markets but lacked financial support. Here, the societas could be a very flexible solution to the problems of each partner. So far, the Roman societas has been chiefly studied by legal historians, for the overwhelming majority of information on partnerships can be found in Roman law.
The aim of this paper is twofold. First, various sources will be introduced, which may offer a glimpse of the complex world of the commercial societas, but have hitherto been largely neglected. Secondly, to check the provisional conclusions these sources may suggest, the features of Roman commercial partnerships will be compared with those of medieval and early-modern counterparts.
The aim of this paper is twofold. First, various sources will be introduced, which may offer a glimpse of the complex world of the commercial societas, but have hitherto been largely neglected. Secondly, to check the provisional conclusions these sources may suggest, the features of Roman commercial partnerships will be compared with those of medieval and early-modern counterparts.
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It is well known that, according to the Historia Augusta, Septimius Severus introduced regular and official oil distributions in Rome. It is argued that this decision should not be interpreted to be a major change in economic policies,... more
It is well known that, according to the Historia Augusta, Septimius Severus introduced regular and official oil distributions in Rome. It is argued that this decision should not be interpreted
to be a major change in economic policies, but merely an administrative reform to ease the shipment of oil amphorae. The archaeological evidence, inscriptions and legal texts clearly
indicate that the imports peaked during the reign of the Antonines, suggesting that Severus neither started nor intensified the imports, but levelled out the structural differences between grain and oil traffic.
to be a major change in economic policies, but merely an administrative reform to ease the shipment of oil amphorae. The archaeological evidence, inscriptions and legal texts clearly
indicate that the imports peaked during the reign of the Antonines, suggesting that Severus neither started nor intensified the imports, but levelled out the structural differences between grain and oil traffic.
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This paper argues that the numerous professional organizations in the Roman empire, bringing together merchants and shippers and creating the possibility of valuable networking, played a considerable part in enhancing the success rate of... more
This paper argues that the numerous professional organizations in the Roman empire, bringing together merchants and shippers and creating the possibility of valuable networking, played a considerable part in enhancing the success rate of Roman business. Possible economic aspects of the Roman collegia which may have helped merchants to organize their trade more efficiently and tackle fundamental problems of exchange, involve protection against fraud and predation, assistance in selecting and monitoring agents and business relations, pooling finance and information, taking joint action and structuring protection by patrons.
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This paper argues that the late Roman shipper associations were not completely dependent on the state, but appear to have been rather creative in increasing profit margins. The large body of laws trying to regulate the members' behavior... more
This paper argues that the late Roman shipper associations were not completely dependent on the state, but appear to have been rather creative in increasing profit margins. The large body of laws trying to regulate the members' behavior thus rather highlights the problems Rome was experiencing in controlling professional associations.
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Recent legal interpretations of the emperor's impact on Roman associations involved in the urban food supply claim that these corpora were deliberately created by the state and granted legal personality. This paper on the other hand... more
Recent legal interpretations of the emperor's impact on Roman associations involved in the urban food supply claim that these corpora were deliberately created by the state and granted legal personality. This paper on the other hand argues that all Rome had to do, was adapting the already existing professional organizations to the annona's need.
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This paper focuses on the Roman imports of Baetican olive oil and the importance of this trade to the imperial annona. It is argued that the organization of the imports may shed some light on the assessment of Roman economic policies... more
This paper focuses on the Roman imports of Baetican olive oil and the importance of this trade to the imperial annona. It is argued that the organization of the imports may shed some light on the assessment of Roman economic policies during the early 3rd century AD. For a long time, the reign of the Severi has generally been considered to be a period of constantly
increasing dirigisme and government control in social and economic spheres. Septimius Severus would have marked a new area, in which there was no place for an open market
system, an economy regulated by supply and demand or a spontaneous collaboration of the central government and the individual merchant. These ideas have without doubt been
supported by the various studies by Rodríguez Almeida and had a great influence on research concerning 3rd century economic policies. However, there are sound reasons to undertake a revision of these assumptions. Historians may well have been
too eager to characterise the early 3rd century as the end of individual liberty, the beginning of Roman economic absolutism.
increasing dirigisme and government control in social and economic spheres. Septimius Severus would have marked a new area, in which there was no place for an open market
system, an economy regulated by supply and demand or a spontaneous collaboration of the central government and the individual merchant. These ideas have without doubt been
supported by the various studies by Rodríguez Almeida and had a great influence on research concerning 3rd century economic policies. However, there are sound reasons to undertake a revision of these assumptions. Historians may well have been
too eager to characterise the early 3rd century as the end of individual liberty, the beginning of Roman economic absolutism.
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This article discusses a fragmentary inscription, found in the small town of Vasto on the coast of the Adriatic. The text commemorates two gifts to the community by the aediles. The first donation, the construction of a pavement, is a... more
This article discusses a fragmentary inscription, found in the small town of Vasto on the coast of the Adriatic. The text commemorates two gifts to the community by the aediles. The
first donation, the construction of a pavement, is a typical act of municipal evergetism, but the second gift, the construction of panarios or bread-baskets, has never been mentioned in any inscription nor is there any close parallel from other literary sources.
first donation, the construction of a pavement, is a typical act of municipal evergetism, but the second gift, the construction of panarios or bread-baskets, has never been mentioned in any inscription nor is there any close parallel from other literary sources.
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This paper stresses the importance of serial analysis of tituli picti to understand the functioning of the Roman oil trade.
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Bij gebrek aan archieven en correspondentie van kooplieden blijft het voor de historicus van de Oudheid vaak bijzonder moeilijk door te dringen in de socio-economische wereld van Romeinse handelaars en transporteurs. Deze studie steunt op... more
Bij gebrek aan archieven en correspondentie van kooplieden blijft het voor de historicus van de Oudheid vaak bijzonder moeilijk door te dringen in de socio-economische wereld van Romeinse handelaars en transporteurs. Deze studie steunt op prosopografisch onderzoek naar ...
